Here are ALL my current works of graphic journalism, memoir, and editorial cartoons which have appeared in The Atlantic, The Boston Globe, The San Francisco Chronicle, The Los Angeles Times, Pacific Standard, FUSION.NET, The Nib and Truthout. Thanks to all the wonderfully talented graphic journalists/artists I’ve worked with thus far: Josh Neufeld, Jason Novak,Marc Parenteau, Dan Carino, Dan Archer and Arthur King. Below, you can find interviews, scholarly articles, and contact info. CLICK ON THE TITLE TO ACCESS THE COMIC!
No Shame in Staying Alive: How Medical Marijuana Helped Saved Me from Brain Cancer (with Marc Parenteau at Fusion)
A Scanner Constantly (with Josh Neufeld at Pacific Standard).
Analysis of “Scanner,” by author of Pink Ribbon Blues Gayle Sulik PhD: “The Dehumanizing Impact of Biomedical Surveillance”. Breast Cancer Consortium.
See also: The Comic Book Cure for Cancer (a brief personal essay discussing the role of comics writing in my cancer journey, Brain Tumour Magazine, June 2016). The title is inspired by Salvatore Iaconesi’s “My Open Source Cure for Cancer,” which is discussed in “A Scanner Constantly.”
Playground Purgatory (with Jason Novak at The Boston Globe)
The War on Everything (with Jason Novak at The LA Times).
The Mythical Beasts of 21st Century Technology (with Jason Novak at The Boston Globe)
An American Tradition (with Jason Novak at Truthout). This is our first panorama comic (inspired by Rube Goldberg and other early newspaper artists).
The Stages of Housing Grief (with Jason Novak at The Boston Globe)
The Lesser Known Features of Teacher Housing (with Jason Novak at The San Francisco Chronicle)
The Teacher Ghetto (with Jason Novak, at The Atlantic)
Notification: You’ve Got Cancer (with Josh Neufeld, at The Boston Globe)
Pink Ribbon Envy: Living with an Uncool Cancer (with Dan Archer, and Medium’s The Nib)
And here’s an insightful analysis by Gayle Sulik, author of the stellar book Pink Ribbon Blues, who was the interview subject for “Pink Ribbon Envy”: Visualizing Social Change: The Power of Graphic Arts
Children of the Code: Big Data, Little Kids (with Dan Carino, at Truthout)
This School Is Not A Pipe (with Josh Neufeld, at Truthout)
The Disaster Capitalism Curriculum: The High Price of Education Reform (Episode 1) (with Dan Archer, at Truthout)
Murky Water: The Education Debate in New Orleans (with Dan Archer, at Truthout)
The Finnish Alternative: Reclaiming Public Education From Corporate Reform (with Dan Archer, at Truthout)
The Gates Education Reform Hype Machine and Bizzare Inequality Theory (with Dan Carino, at Truthout)
Automated Teaching Machine: A Graphic Introduction to the End of Human Teachers (with Arthur King, at Truthout)
-Thanks to journalist Lukas Plank for compiling an early version of this list on his website.
Interviews on Graphic Journalism:
Truthout TV on The Gates Foundation Education Reform Hype Machine (with Dan Carino)
Russia TV’s “Breaking the Set” with Abby Martin on Automated Teaching Machine
Segment starts at about 2:30
“From Kafka to Computers, a Graphic History of Automation in Education,” Chronicle of Higher Education, Megan O’Neil. On “Automated Teaching Machine”
Selection of Scholarly Articles on Comics:
“Warning: This Article Contains Graphic Journalism,” Truthout. Includes interviews with established graphic journalists Ted Rall, Sarah Glidden, Matt Bors, and Dan Archer. 2011
“Literacy and the Graphic Novel: Prejudice, Promise, and Pedagogy.” From Critical survey of graphic novels : history, theme, and technique / editors, Bart H. Beaty, Stephen Weiner. 2012
Entry on Guy Delisle’s “Burma Chronicles.” From Critical survey of graphic novels : independents and underground classics / editors, Bart H. Beaty, Stephen Weiner. 2012
“Uncensoring Comix Journalism: An Introduction for Educators” . Prepared for English Council of California Two-Year Colleges Conference, 2013.
“Unmasking the Graphic Novel: Learning Summary and Close Reading Through Comics.” Inside English: Journal of the English Council of California Two-Year Colleges. 2009. Winner of 2009 ECCTYC Best Article of the Year. Republished in Visions Across the Americas, 8th Edition (Sterling Warner, Ed). [Email for a copy]
FOR INQUIRIES: adam.bessie at gmail dot com
“I support our teachers, but my daughter was traumatized by an unfirable 1st grade teacher,” so read a tweet I received after expressing concern that Vergara v. California decision – which declared K-12 teacher tenure unconstitutional for violating the civil rights of students – had nothing to do with civil rights, little to do with students, and everything to do with the continued efforts to privatize public education. If you publicly critiqued the Vergara verdict, you no doubt received a similar reply, which I’ve described by the following equation, dubbed VAM [Vergara Attack Method]:
Compliment of teachers in general [“I love teachers”]
– [BUT] there are “bad teachers”
+ vague and/or extreme personal anecdote about “bad teacher”
= you must be a “bad teacher” and hate children if you support tenure or any other rights for teachers. Also, you are against civil rights, likely a socialist, and most definitely are destroying the economy.
Rhetorically, it’s almost impossible to respond to VAM – Who can disagree that there are “bad teachers?” Who wants a child to be subjected to such a horrible person? Who wants a child to be traumatized?
VAM works especially well when coupled with civil rights rhetoric, as I wrote about in my last essay “A Tale of Two Vergaras: Of Stardom and the End of Teacher Tenure.” Who could be against civil rights? And so, in a masterful rhetorical twist, if you’re for tenure, you’re also against helping impoverished minority children – you’re standing in the way of equality. In more advanced versions of VAM, civil rights rhetoric is seamlessly connected with fixing the sagging economy as we see in an op-ed in USA Today claiming “There is no war on teachers.” The author assures us that there is “no such war,” and that if anything, the focus is on firing just a “very small minority of teachers” who are not just harming children, but according to his calculations, would actually fix our current financial crisis:
The gains according to historical economic patterns would be measured in trillions of dollars and would be sufficient to solve our national fiscal problems as well as the vexing income distribution issues currently being debated.
Yes, that’s right – firing this “small minority of bad teachers” will ultimately create trillions of dollars for the economy, along with solving civil rights. It’s a magic bullet – one that just needs be fired in right direction, towards “bad teachers.”
In short, VAM rhetorically checkmates those who are critical of the Vergara decision. This pervasive linguistic trick pins all of the nation’s problems not on teachers (who are wonderful), but on those “bad teachers,” who are destroying lives, destroying civil rights, and destroying the economy. No wonder, in the exact same issue of USA Today, a shocking ad illustrates a teacher throwing a child into a garbage can – and this doesn’t seem an act of war, given the current zeitgeist. After all, it’s only about “bad teachers” – not you. You’re a good teacher – that is, unless you think tenure is acceptable. In which case, what do you have to hide? Who are you protecting?
Outside of the outlandish, ill-supported leaps in logic which are now in the realm of “common sense”, the biggest problem VAM, though, is the impossibly vague term “bad teacher,” or the slightly more technical sounding, but equally meaningless “grossly ineffective teacher,” which Judge Treu used in his decision. Since the propaganda documentary Waiting for Superman, the “bad teacher boogeyman” has been in heavy linguistic circulation, which I noted in my 2010 essay “The Myth of the Bad Teacher:”
The Bad Teacher is no one specific, but rather, a sort of free-floating, ill-defined stereotype: he is an inept, uncaring, self-interested bureaucrat waiting for his pension, not only disinterested in students, but actively engaged in standing in the way of student achievement, rather than encouraging it. I imagine the Bad Teacher as slovenly dressed, with stains on his shirt, showing up to class late, and once there, reading the newspaper while his students throw paper airplanes at each other. He looks up at the clock occasionally, waiting for his time to be up in order get out of school as fast as possible, so he can get home and watch “Glee” on his plump, faux-leather couch. Or he could be a really “Bad Teacher,” such as the one soon to be depicted in a 2011 movie of the same name, which is focused on a “foul-mouthed, junior high teacher who, after being dumped by her sugar daddy, begins to woo a colleague – a move that pits her against a well-loved teacher.”
In essence, the “bad teacher” is a not just a basic strawman, but a hologram, an insubstantial projection of whoever you want him to be, whatever you – or your child – perceives him to be. He could be lazy; he could only lecture (or only use group work); he could be physically abusive; he could not know his content; he could take controversial positions; he could be a hard grader (or too easy of a grader). Indeed, at the college level (where I teach), high teacher ratings are highly correlated with teachers that give less work and higher grades, according to a recent study. In some cases – such as assigning “too much homework”, being called a “bad teacher” would be a compliment, in that the educator might actually being doing her job.
“In hundreds of classrooms, I have never seen a ‘grossly ineffective’ teacher,” Dr. David Berliner says in a must-read Slate article, an expert whose testimony was primary evidence in Judge Treu’s decision. “I don’t know anybody who knows what that means.”
And this is a professor who has spent his career exploring teacher quality, and was asked to testify on the other VAM – Value-Added-Measures, a statistical measure which uses standardized test scores to rate teachers. VAM gives the comforting illusion of objectivity so cherished by education reformers. But this method, also, has major limitations – the American Statistical Association cautioned use of this measure. Further, even if these metrics work very well at showing growth in a particular area of learning in a particular subject, they don’t show a lot of the attributes that educators – and lay-people – would associate with “good” teacher. Berliner observes (as paraphrased by reporter Jordan Weissman) “low test scores [don’t] qualify somebody as a bad teacher. They might do other things well in the classroom that don’t show up on an exam, like teach social skills, or inspire their students to love reading or math.” Indeed, a teacher can have great test scores – but could have earned them through abusive methods, ones which make the student great at test taking, but not learn anything about the subject, and hate it to boot.
Thus, a “grossly ineffective teacher” could be inspiring, could be challenging, could be wonderful. In short, this “bad teacher” could be any of us – especially those of us who believe that the current set of reforms that are focused on standardized testing and curriculum are harmful to students. Indeed, our very best teachers – those who stand up to the intense pressure from parents and students to be “easy,” those who refuse to submit their students to the testing regime that kills the love of learning – could be labeled as our very worst. As a case in point: one of the teachers accused of being a “bad teacher” in the Vergara case was Pasadena Teacher of the Year, and received numerous teaching awards.
What message is Vergara sending to committed, competent educators, those who love children, and who hate what NCLB and Race to the Top is doing to those children?
Now, don’t get it twisted: this is not a defense of child-molesters or otherwise horrible people; it’s not a defense of poor practices, such as giving worksheets to students every day (which is encouraged under the standardized testing regime). Nor is it a defense of the “status quo” – which, need I remind readers, is No Child Left Behind, which most teachers abhor. To defend tenure – due process in a highly-politicized workplace – is not to defend whatever horrible projection of “bad teacher” the reader has conjured.
Please, don’t VAM this essay.
And please, as the post-Vergara dust settles, as we’ve gotten our rants out of the system, let’s retire the “bad teacher” – in all its euphemistic forms. Rather, let’s work to foster constructive, explicit discussions about what it means to be an excellent educator – not just in terms of outcomes (which are framed in the most limited, unimaginative way under the current regime), but in terms of the actual practices that happen in the classroom, and as critically, the environment in which our teachers teach and students learn. Keep in mind, California is first in poverty (and in billionaires) in the nation – and discussions of “bad teachers” allow us to avoid substantial conversations about the impact of inequality on our children.
In letting the “bad teacher” go, we’ll find educators and the public – which are one in the same, remember – have shared interests and goals, despite the best efforts of corporate reformers to undermine public confidence, and put us in conflict with each other. In this fashion, we will repair the damage done by Vergara, and more broadly by the corporate reform movement, which has used VAM (both of them) to disrupt and destabilize the public commons to maintain the real status quo – of massive economic inequality and top-down elite control, which is the primary cause of the civil rights and economic emergency in our schools.
Originally published as a guest essay on Anthony Cody’s “Living in Dialogue” blog at Education Week.
This School is a Musical Masterpiece: The “Four Rs” to Reclaim Public Education from Corporate Colonialism
This is Karran Harper Royal, a real parent of a teenager in the New Orleans public school system, whom I interviewed for the second part of the Disaster Capitalism Curriculum (with graphic journalist Dan Archer for Truthout), about the “New Orleans Miracle,” as its been dubbed by corporate education reformers who believe Hurricane Katrina, which killed nearly 2,000, and displaced 400,000, was “The best thing to happen to the education system in New Orleans” (And yes, that’s a real quote from Secretary of Education Arne Duncan). In 2012, amidst the polarized presidential election between Mitt Romney and Barack Obama, New Orleans was solid ground: they both argued that the free-market, privatized model that Royal has seen replace the public school system represents a model for the country. For Royal, a prominent, nationally recognized public education activist, the “New Orleans Miracle,” also represents a model for American education – a bankrupt one, a well-funded “fairy tale” that purports to be about empowering kids, but is really about unleashing the market to dismantle the “government monopoly on education.”
While Royal speaks with unrivaled passion, hard evidence, and personal connection to the community, her voice is largely marginalized. Royal’s experience is not an isolated one, as those who are closest to children – the parents, the teachers, and especially the children themselves – have the smallest voice in education reform debate, which has been colonized by the language, ideologies, and policies of outsiders – politicians, think-tankers, Wall Street funded non-profits, and CEOs who have no direct connection or personal interest in the communities they seek to mold in their image.
Previously, I’ve dubbed this phenomenon the Gates Paradox: the power of your voice in the education reform debate is proportional to the distance from the classroom multiplied by the amount of money you earn. Of course, each additional media outlet owned increases the influence by a factor of ten. Or, expressed in the native language of the refomers, the Gates Paradox is: VαDsv*$ [MSNBC/]10 = INFLUENCE]
Indeed, the corporate colonists control the education debate, imposing the terms and language of the discussion, as they largely control the medium in which the debate takes place: it doesn’t take a complex algorithm to demonstrate that corporate media favors corporate education policy, especially when the media channel is funded by the same billionaire also funding the education policy (as is the case with Gates and both NBC and PBS).
How does a parent like Royal fight against this corporate colonialism, which floods in her hometown of New Orleans, displacing local schools, dismantling local communities, and imposing foreign values and policies? How do we get Royal – and other real parents, children, and educators – heard over the “fairy tale” of reform?
How do we overcome the Gates Paradox?
By going back to basics: The Four Rs – Recognize, Resist, Reframe, and Reclaim.
RECOGNIZE: Education reform is trending right now in popular culture – and not towards a progressive, grassroots vision. While the agit-prop documentary Waiting for Superman started the pop culture assault on public schools, there is a cottage reform media industry devoted to putting out stories which support the reform vision of education, pumped out of the big screen, the TV, the radio, the newspaper, and underwritten by reform friendly billionaires like Gates, who have spent millions on messaging. This propaganda arm of the reform movement propagates stories like the “New Orleans Miracle,” that float about in the public consciousness, supporting these policies throughout the nation.
Less obviously and more perniciously, these reform “fairy tales” provide a language for discussing education that reinforces this worldview: phrases like “failing schools” and the “cradle to career pipeline” are normalized, and in doing so, unconsciously frame the issue for a reader or speaker, as I observe in my comic with graphic journalist Josh Neufeld “This School is Not a Pipe.” (for Truthout.org). Thus, the first step towards reclaiming public education is in seeing through the propaganda, in even recognizing the stories and language of reform.
RESIST: It’s not enough just to see that the propaganda of reform doesn’t fit the reality of schools that most children, parents, and educators experience. Indeed, I became passionate about advocating for public education upon seeing such an astonishing chasm between what the media said about my profession, and what I saw every day as a teacher in a community college. Thus, I began to call out these false stories – much like Royal has (and of course, Diane Ravitch), to expose both the “fairy tales” of reform and the drum-beat of public school failure.
But this is not enough: further, it’s important to resist not just the reform stories, but the reform language itself, which is drawn largely from the lexicon of the business world, and not education. Once starting a conversation around “failing schools,” the debate is already lost; this term implies an entire worldview, one suggesting that public schools themselves are solely responsible for the struggles they face, much like a failing business. Logically, the “failing school” should be shuttered – much like failing business, with old management and employees fired, and new ones installed to secure “success”. In this way, there is a clear, unwavering line from a single phrase to an entire ideology, and specific policies, such as school closures. Thus, we must not just avoid exposing the stories of the colonists, but their misleading language – which reinforces these stories, and favors the underlying corporate ideology.
REFRAME: For the first few years of writing about education, I primarily focused on these first two steps – on pointing out the astonishing flaws of the reform propaganda. But this, too, is not enough: indeed, reformers rightly point out that while many of us decry their agenda, we don’t as readily point to our own vision. I know that I’ve been guilty on this count – even as I’m working in my own college to develop new methods of teaching, and new programs to serve students. Thus, instead of just pointing out the flaws in the corporate agenda, we must fill in the gap – to share our own stories, and our own language, through traditional media channels, and moreso, through social media.
“Public education is like producing a musical masterpiece,” Royal told me, in providing her own vision of an ideal public school system, one that would improve upon the privatized, two-tiered system that has taken over her hometown. “[You need to provide] each instrument with the right sheet music to get the best performance from that particular instrument. Each instrument is different and can not be standardized, but with the right music, each can reach its highest heights. When children are given the kind of educational support they need based on who they are, they can produce beautiful music,” she concludes, reframing schooling with a fresh metaphor, a new language, a new vocabulary of reform, one that highlights the inherent humanity and individuality of children, while still imagining a harmonious, yet diverse community.
Imagine: What kind of policies would our politicians produce if they imagined the classroom as a musical masterpiece rather than a business, or even worse, a pipeline? What kind of classroom experience would children have immersed in metaphors of music, rather than spreadsheets and oil?
RECLAIM: To reclaim the promise of public education, to develop policies that are more musical than monotonous, we must reclaim the conversation from the educational colonists. We must find ways to mitigate the Gates Paradox, to render this algorithm of inequity obsolete, to tell the stories of what we see, in the language that we use, and get the public to hear it.
This is easier blogged than done.
However, as I attend the Network for Public Education Conference March 1 and 2nd in Austin, TX, (along with Karran Harper Royal, Diane Ravitch, and many others) we will not just resist, but work proactively and collectively towards a more humane, democratic, truly public school system.
The music has just begun…
 See my essay at Truthout: “The Answer to the Great Question of Education Reform? The Number 42” for an extensive discussion on the technicalization of education – and its dissidents.
 For extensive evidence on reform propaganda see Adam Bessie.“GERM Warfare: How to reclaim the education debate from corporate occupation.” Project Censored 2013. Ed. Mickey Huff. Seven Stories: New York. 2013.
 For documentation, see my essay at The Daily Censored: “Ms. Reform: Education Reform as Starlet of NetFlix’s “House of Cards”
Were this website a newspaper vending machine, it would be cobwebbed, and dusty enough for a finger-tagged “Wash Me,” with the issues left inside yellowing – but not for lack of work behind the screen. Besides the usual preparations for teaching this semester, I’ve got a very exciting project deep in the “pipeline,” one I’ve been at work on for a few months, which should be completed and hot off the digital presses sooner than later. I’m also gearing up for the Network for Public Education’s 2014 Conference in Austin, TX, March 1st-2nd, at which I’m honored to be an invited speaker.
The Network for Public Education – founded by acclaimed education scholar Diane Ravitch, and veteran public school educator Anthony Cody – provides a much needed grassroots antidote to the corporate education reform steamroller, one that has paved over the needs of children, teachers, parents, and communities. NPE seeks to crack through the concrete, and cultivate a more authentic, organic, and robust public school system, a mission I’m proud to support.
The Revolution Will Be Monetized! With Che Guevara – the American Spirit.
Photo by Adam Bessie in Munich, Germany. 2013.